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30 Years After Genocide, Rwanda Emerges Pride of Africa

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30 Years After Genocide, Rwanda Emerges Pride of Africa

The experience of genocide in Rwanda may be loathsome, but it’s also loaded with takeaways to guide Africa and the rest of the world in handling conflicts and embracing peace writes Carolyn Isaac

In 1994, Rwanda, a small East African country, experienced one of the most brutal, horrific and systematic massacres in human history. About 1,000.000 people, mostly Tutsis and moderate Hutus were gruesomely murdered over the course of 100 days (April-July 1994) by their brothers, friends and neighbors of Hutu extraction.

The genocide which was conceived by extremist elements of Rwanda’s majority Hutu population, who plotted to kill the minority Tutsi population and anyone who opposed those genocidal intentions, was a culmination of a long history of ethnic tension and political conflicts among the gregarious ethnic groups of Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda – mere intricate placental extensions you may say. It is estimated that about 200,000 Hutus, incited by propaganda from various media outlets and highly influential and respected personalities in the society, participated in the genocide that claimed the lives of over almost 1,000,000 Tutsis in Rwandan.

About 2,000,000 Rwandans fled the country during and immediately after the genocide.

BACKGROUND
Rwandans are made of three distinct ethnic groups. The major ethnic groups in Rwanda being the Hutus and the Tutsis, respectively accounting for more than four-fifths and about one-seventh of the total population.

A third group, the Twa, constitutes less than 1 percent of the population. These three groups speak same language (Kinyarwanda), suggesting that they have lived together for centuries. Social differences between the Hutu and the Tutsi traditionally were profound, as shown by the system of patron-client ties (cattle contract) through which the Tutsis, with a strong pastoralist tradition, gained social, economic, and political ascendancy over the Hutus, who were primarily agriculturalists.

Still, identification as either Tutsi or Hutu was fluid. While physical appearance could correspond somewhat to ethnic identification, the Tutsis were generally presumed to be light-skinned and tall, while the Hutus were dark-skinned and short.

The difference between the two groups was not always immediately apparent, because of intermarriage and the use of a common language by both groups. During the colonial era, Germany, and later Belgium, assumed that ethnicity could be clearly distinguished by physical characteristics and then used the ethnic differences found in their own countries as
models to create a system whereby the categories of Hutu and Tutsi were no longer fluid.

The German government continued pursuing a policy of indirect rule that strengthened the dominance of the Tutsi ruling class and the absolutism of its monarchy. Some Hutus began to demand equality and found sympathy from Roman Catholic clergy and some Belgian administrative personnel, which led to the Hutu revolution. The revolution was followed by months of violence. Many Tutsis were killed in the process, while others fled the country. In 1961, a Hutu coup was said to have been carried out which led to the deposing of the Tutsi king, who had already fled the country due to violence in 1960. The Tutsi monarchy was officially abolished.

Rwanda became a republic, and an all-Hutu provisional national government came into being. Independence was proclaimed the next year, 1962. The transition from Tutsi to Hutu rule was not peaceful. From 1959 to 1961, about 20,000 Tutsis were killed, and many more fled the country. By early 1964 at least 150,000 Tutsi were in neighboring countries. Additional rounds of ethnic tension and violence flared periodically and led to several killings of Tutsis in Rwanda, between 1963, 1967 and the later part of 1973.

THE INVASION
Tension between Hutu and Tutsi flared again in 1990, when Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) rebels invaded Rwanda from Uganda. A cease-fi re was negotiated in early 1991, and negotiations between the RPF and the government of longtime president Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu, began in 1992. An agreement between the RPF and the government, signed in August 1993 at Arusha, Tanzania, called for the creation of a broad-based transition government that would include the RPF.

Hutu extremists were strongly opposed to that plan. Dissemination of their anti-Tutsi agenda, which had already been widely propagated via newspapers and radio stations for a few years, increased and would later serve to fuel ethnic violence.

THE GENOCIDE:
In the evening of April 6 1994, a plane carrying the Rwandan president Juvenal Habyariamana, a Hutu and Burundi president Cyprian Ntaryamira, also a Hutu was shot down over Kigali, the capital of Rwanda, killing everyone on board. The perpetrators of the attack were never conclusively identified but it triggered a wave of organized and brutal killing of Tutsis and moderate Hutus that night by Hutu militias and government forces. Prime Minister, Agathe Uwilingiyimana, a moderate Hutu, was assassinated the next day, as were 10 Belgian soldiers (part of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force already in the country) who were guarding her.

Her murder was part of a campaign to eliminate moderate Hutu or Tutsi politicians, with the goal of creating a political vacuum and thus allowing for the formation of an interim government of Hutu extremists. The speaker of the National Development Council (Rwanda’s legislative body at the time), Theodore Sindikubwabo, became interim president on April 8, and the interim government was inaugurated on April 9. The next few months saw a wave of anarchy and mass killings, in which the army and Hutu militia groups played a central role. Radio broadcasts further fueled the genocide by encouraging Hutu civilians to kill their Tutsi brethren, who were referred to as “cockroaches” that needed to be exterminated, babies were not spared.

METHOD OF KILLING
The methods for killing were typically quite brutal, with crude instruments often employed to pummel or hack away victims. Machetes were commonly used. Rape was also used as a weapon and included the deliberate use of perpetrators infected with HIV/AIDS to carry out sexual assaults on women of Tutsi extraction.

The United Nations (UN), which already had peacekeeping troops in the country for a monitoring mission (United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda; UNAMIR), made unsuccessful attempts to mediate a ceasefire.

THE WITHDRAWAL
On April 21, as the crisis deepened, the UN voted to reduce UNAMIR’s presence in the country from 2,500 troops to 270. That seemingly incomprehensible troop reduction at a time when assistance was sorely needed was rooted in such factors as the mission’s mandate, which required an effective cease-fire to be in place, and the inability of the UN to find more troops to bolster the mission, which it felt had already been stretched too thin to have a significant impact on the situation.

On May 17, however, the UN reversed its decision and voted to establish a force of 5,500, composed of soldiers mainly from African countries, but those additional troops could not be immediately deployed. On June 22, the UN backed the deployment of a French-led military force, known as Operation Turquoise, into Rwanda to establish a safe zone; the operation was opposed by the RPF, which claimed that France had always supported the government and policies of President Habyarimana.

The RPF had earlier rejected the legitimacy of the Hutu extremist interim government inaugurated in April 9 and resumed fighting. By April 12, RPF troops had invaded the outskirts of Kigali. The RPF were successful in securing most of the country by early July, taking Kigali on July 4. Extremist Hutu leaders, including those of the interim government, fled the country.

A transitional government of national unity was established on July 19, with Pasteur Bizimungu, a Hutu, as president and RPF leader, Paul Kagame, a Tutsi, as vice president.

The genocide had come to an end. The end of the genocide was followed by a massive humanitarian crisis. Millions of Hutus fled to neighboring countries, fearing retaliation. Many of them were said to have died of diseases and violence in overcrowded camps. As soon as the genocide was over, the country faced years of reconciliation and recovery. Trying those who were thought responsible for genocidal acts was a primary focus, as was promoting national unity and rebuilding the country’s economy.

Those accused of participating in the genocide were primarily tried in one of three types of court systems: the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Rwandan National Courts, or Local Gacaca Courts. Some suspects who had fled Rwanda were tried in the countries in which they were found.

THE TRANSITION
In 2000, Bizimungu resigned from the presidency. Following his resignation, the Supreme Court ruled that Kagame should become acting president until a permanent successor was chosen. Kagame had been de facto leader since 1994, but focused more on military, foreign affairs and the country’s security than day-today governance. Kagame ran for office in 2003 on the platform that emphasized national unity and moving beyond ethnic divisions.

He was elected President in 2003 and has since been a key figure in Rwanda’s rebuilding and reconciliation efforts following the 1994 genocide. Kagame’s leadership has been marked by efforts to promote national unity and reduce ethnic tensions.

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Nigeria’s 10th Senate: Sen. Akpabio Changing The Narratives

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Sen. Akpabio

Nigeria’s 10th Senate clocked one year on June 13th, 2024 with a scorecard that has generated wide interest. In this report, Nature Substance of CherryAfrica x-rays the journey and intrigues so far while placing the leadership of the Senate President Akpabio on a scale.

Legislative engagements on a broader platform like the National Assembly in a bubbling and diversely big country like Nigeria with myriads of challenges certainly cannot be for the weak and fun-seekers. Cherry Africa discovered that those who had gone there with velvety mats, duvets, cutlery and beverages and for the main purpose of selfi es near swimming pools and Italian glazed doors have had their shame to shallow in pensive silence. With the benevolence of the Freedom of Information Act (FoIA), documents and details are now accessible, almost flying, even against the worst mischievous resistance
by some recalcitrant guys on the lobbies.

Yes. Up there, no excuses. Our team was informed that lawmakers are expected to sweat out and even lick the drops for what they’re hugely paid for, in patriotic service to dear country. Else, periodic or terminal scorecards will expose somebody.

Even when they are gone, some names and faces whose sonorous or hoarse voices were only heard during voice votes at plenaries could still be remembered. Thank heavens! The annual report of the 10th Senate in the last 366 days looks suggestive of the fact that the lawmakers, perhaps phenomenally inspired by the Akpabio phenomenon, knew beforehand
the dire implications of sluggishness and loitering. Good.

It was learnt that given the elastic cobwebs the country was caught in as at June 2023; the catalogue and sequence of events that have culminated in the present; and looking at the collective performance of the 10th Senate in the past one year under the charismatic and dynamic leadership of Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio as its President, it can safely be argued that it was more of Providence rather than coincidence of time that brought Nigeria’s 10th Senate into existence. Nigeria, and Nigerians, needed something unique for a paradigm shift, to progressively and aggressively reclaim their endangered dreams, identity, and dignity in the comity of nations.

Record showed that the 10th National Assembly was inaugurated on June 13, 2023. But just six months after, between June 13, 2023 and December 31, 2023, record further indicated, the Senate had already initiated 338 bills, 10 of which had been fully passed into  Acts of Parliament, 11 at various stages at Committee level, 179 awaiting second reading, and 135 in the offing to be laid before the Committee of the Whole, besides related involvements and interventions on the sidelines. No doubt, the momentum of robust engagements and dedication to duty was understandably high!

Commentators have said that perhaps was the earliest and promising pointer to the fact that Members of the 10th Senate were not in the Hallowed Chamber for a cocktail or inconsequential grandiloquence.

Conversely, it was the initial flashlight of the patriotism, energy, enthusiasm, leadership pedigree and demonstrable capacity of Senator Godswill Akpabio at galvanizing human capital in fulfilling the tripodal mandate of lawmaking, oversight and representation, in response to pressing national needs and futuristic challenges. Memorably, Leader of the House, Sen. Bamidele Opeyemi, had with modesty described this incipient but fantastic beginning as “Dawn of a New Order to Reposition Nigeria for True Federalism”, in his article published in Thisday Newspaper, Tuesday, March 12, 2024.

PRELIMINARY OVERSIGHT ENGAGEMENTS
Counting from the inauguration, a serving lawmaker on phone who insisted it wasn’t necessary his name appeared in print told our team that the Senate did not have any breathing space because of the workload of imminent duties that was waiting for their prompt attention. He said although the Senate statutorily sat for 15 days before the annual recess of about one and half month between 2nd August, 2023 and September 25, it was able to successfully screen and confirm military service chiefs for the new administration, board members of the North-East Development Commission, the Central Bank Governor and four deputies as well as 48 ministerial nominees, out of which three
were rejected.

“There was also the amendment and passage of the 2022 Supplementary Appropriation Bill to accommodate “the provisions of Palliatives and other items to Nigerians to cushion the effect of fuel subsidy removal and other matters. On line also was the approval of an executive request for “Additional Financing of the National Social Safety Net Programme
through a facility secured from the World Bank. The peculiarity and diversity of the bill perhaps emphasizes their importance and populist consciousness of specific sponsors and the lawmakers in general”, he concluded with a tone of pride.

SYMBOLIC SIGNIFICANCE OF NUMBER “10” AND THE 10TH SENATE
Numerologists, experts in symbolism of numbers and existential value, associate the number “10” with completeness, divine order, and uniqueness both in the spiritual, physical realm and temporal domain. They say that whatever has to do with 10 as a number idealistically creates in the mind a sense of uniqueness, specialness and distinction that directly from, attracts attention or raises questions. This postulation resonates with 10th Nigeria’s Senate.

It would imply that legislators of the 10th Nigerian Senate came as a Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) at a time the index of socioeconomic conditions in the country in terms of componential growth and development on the international scale were helplessly curving downwards. There is no telling that, even before their inauguration as federal lawmakers, they were conscious of the huge challenges vicissitude has placed on their shoulders in connection with their personal aspiration and political journey, stewardship to fatherland, and the compelling need for rapid change so that they can have their signatures boldly engraved in the annals of time.

Coming as a unique mix of political party affiliations, resourceful and daring goal-getters, eggheads, patriots, nationalists, and progressives in worrisome circumstances, they were to immediately engage the gears for pragmatic change of narratives in regaining lost grounds for rapid repositioning; overhauling national psychology and orientation; and conscientious redefining of the collective goals and common destiny of about 227million people.

366 DAYS AFTER
Six months later, a spatial period of 366 days, the synopsis of activities by the 10th Senate could not have come as any surprise to keen followers of activities by the senators. In a statement released on June 13, 2024 to mark the first anniversary of the 10th National Assembly, the Senate leader, Senator Bamidele Opeyemi, torch-lighted the accomplishments and strategic collaborations of the 10th Senate under Senator Godswill Akpabio. The scorecard indicated that within the period under review, the Senate had passed 25 legislations (indicating 5.24%); 115 resolutions; and 477 bills. Out of the bills, 275 were introduced for the fi rst time; 135 awaiting 1st reading; 45 awaiting second reading; 43 at committee level; while 3 were rejected. Further breakdown showed that 13 bills were from the executive arm; whereas 464 were private member bills. The Senate also resolved 50 public petitions and screened and confirmed 215 nominees for various political offices, including key appointments into the Federal Executive Council (FEC), the
Central Bank, and Service Chiefs.

He however observed that the wide gap in bills received and passed into law was due to the discretion of the lawmakers to give priority to other fundamental national issues of most compelling importance that needed urgent intervention as required by the Constitution. He also hinted on what Nigerians should expect, stating that frameworks shall be developed to give priority to stabilizing the country’s fiscal and monetary policies, tackle security, and consumer price inflation towards creating enabling better and safer environment for good governance and wellbeing of the masses. The Senate, he added, has secured strategic collaborations and partnerships to hasten its duties and have faster results from engagements.

Further unveiling the mind of the Senate, Senator Opeyemi assured Nigerians of the parliament’s unwavering patriotism and commitment to positioning the country with the mandate entrusted to the lawmakers for remarkable regional, sub-regional and global leadership. The parliament, according to him, will also aim at nurturing and promoting participatory democracy and robust deliberations to meet populist expectations and strengthen good governance.

Expectedly, some may have expressed reservations over the scorecard. But in all fairness, a source on the staff contended that it would be unpatriotic and uncomplimentary not to commend the federal legislature, given the prevalent socioeconomic disruptions which the National Assembly and related stakeholders are currently tackling with great potentials
for successes.

CherryAfrica however took a pause to do some simple quick statistics. If the Senate had passed 25 legislations in one year, it means that average of 2 bills were passed into law each passing month. It means that every day of the year at least a bill was either introduced or considered for various stages. It also means that every member of the Red Chambers had contributed a minimum of a bill for consideration. Like someone observed, the moral implicature here is that if you don’t commend when someone does right, you automatically lost the moral license to condemn if he fails.

Exponentially, some of the things the annual report of the Senate may have indicated, by and large, are the shared awareness amongst the legislators of the tripodal mandate on their shoulders, the huge expectations of Nigerians from them, the resolve to do more and leave bold marks in the annals of time, and the compelling need for the impact of legislation and related activities to reflect in the lives of the common masses in terms of standard of living, security, infrastructure, provision and availability of social amenities, etc.

SOME BILLS CONSIDERED
Documents obtained by CherryAfrica showed some of the bills considered for reading included the Nigeria Maritime Zone Act (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill; Coastal and Inland Shipping (Cabotage) Act (Amendment) Bill; Environmental Impact Assessment Bill, Development Planning and Project Continuity Bill; Defense Industries Corporation of Nigeria Act (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill, Bitumen Development Commission Bill; Constituency/Special Projects (Budget Provisions) Bill; Nigerian Railway Corporation Act (Amendment) Bill; Dishonoured Cheques (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill; and Nigerian
Content in Programme, Contract, Science, Engineering, Technology and Innovation (Establishment) Bill.

Other bills also considered were Insurance Bill Nigeria Building and Road Research Institute Bill; and Factoring, Assignment and Receivables Financing Bill; South West Development Commission (Establishment) Bill; Federal University of Osogbo (Establishment) Bill; Explosives Act (Repeal and Re-enactment); Federal Polytechnic Onueke, Ebonyi State (Establishment) Bill; Corporate Bodies (Members Emolument) Act (Repeal) Bill; Elite Sheriff s Corps of Nigeria (Establishment) Bill; National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency Act (Amendment) Bill; and the Nigerian Maritime University Okerenkoko Establsihment) bill; etc.

Within the period, the Senate also effectively responded to petitions from constituents across the country who had been facing various forms of injustice from private and corporate entities.

There were also motions and bills sponsored that needed attention. Such included motions for prompt attention to be given to collapsed federal roads, those that have been abandoned by contractors, general review of complaints on related matters including erosion sites that needed emergency response, flooding, dredging of blocked canals, and many of such interventions – in that category was the controversial Makeup Gas Reprocessing Deal.

The Senate President has also been commended for the cordial relationship he has made to exist between the Red and Green Chambers of the National Assembly. This, observers said, has eased collaborations and prevented distractions on national interests. The completion of the renovation of the Senate, a project which started since July 2022 in the 9th Assembly also has further launched Akpabio as a goal-getter.

AKPABIO THE CATALYST AND ENIGMA
At the centre of this altruistic revolution is a man generally described as a catalyst, visionary, pathfinder, emancipator, pacifist, charismatic captain, thoroughbred administrator, and tested leader, Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio. The uniqueness of the 10th Senate therefore can also be seen in the persona, idiosyncrasy, and quality of its President, Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio.

He arguably may not have been the best amongst the contestants that vied for that elevated office. But he won the race, after all. We remember with dismissal the many legal hurdles the mercurial politician had had to scale in the 2023 Akwa Ibom North-East Senatorial District election and the Pyrrhic victory he ultimately secured.

In fact, less than a month to the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly, Akpabio’s chances and fate were still hanging in a pendulum in the Court. But that is history, an inherent facet of his life that has made him the phenomenon he is. Everything he touches turned to gold.

Senator Godswill Akpabio was elected President of the 10th Senate on June 13, 2023. His historic emergence on the time tree as Nigeria’s 16th Senate President, against all odds, must have been further confirmation of the symbolism of 10 and necessity of the time and why a man of his vision, integrity, nationalistic disposition, leadership acumen and public service omnibus was so widely accepted by his colleagues as the missing key and indispensable formula for correcting for what the 10th Senate was to represent in contemporary discourse of the country’s leadership.

READ THE FULL STORY IN OUR MAGAZINE BELOW

Cherry Africa Magazine [July 2024 Edition]

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Cherry Africa Magazine

South Sudan becomes the 44th country to ratify the Protocol on Women’s Rights

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South Sudan becomes the 44th country to ratify the Protocol on Women’s Rights

The Republic of South Sudan has deposited instruments of ratification to the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, known as the Maputo Protocol, becoming the 44th Member State of the African Union (AU) to ratify the Treaty. Honorable Aya Benjamin Warille, South Sudan’s Minister of Gender, Child and Social Welfare deposited the instruments of ratification with the African Union Commission on the 7th of June 2023. This latest ratification coincides with the 20th anniversary of the Maputo Protocol, which will be celebrated this year on July 11, 2023.

As one of the world’s most progressive and comprehensive women’s rights instruments, the purpose of the Maputo Protocol is to protect, promote and affirm women’s human rights to exercise civil and political rights; economic, social and cultural rights as well as collective and solidarity rights, thus reaffirming the universality, indivisibility and interdependency of human rights for African women.

In May 2022, the African Union Commission (AUC) through the Women, Gender and Youth Directorate (WGYD) in collaboration with the AU Liaison Office for South Sudan (AULO-SS) conducted an In-Country Advocacy Mission to the Republic of South Sudan to support the finalization of the ratification process of the Maputo Protocol, which started in 2017 when the Parliament of South Sudan signed the instruments in October, 2017. During the Mission, the Vice President H.E. Rebecca Nyandeng de Mabior, committed to ensuring that all regional and international instruments on gender equality and women’s rights, including the Maputo Protocol, are ratified in time for the 20th anniversary of Maputo Protocol. 

South Sudan has made great strides in achieving its gender equality obligations. For instance, the country has reached 32% women’s representation in Parliament, surpassing the global quota of 30%. It has also established a Gender-Based Violence and Juvenile Special Court, which is regarded as a global best practice.

H.E Warille restated the commitment of the Government of South Sudan and the President H.E. Salvir Kir, to advance the rights of women and girls, not only in the country but to rally the same on the continent. “On February 24th 2023, H.E. the President appended his signature to the Maputo Protocol, which Parliament passed in 2017. The Ministry has worked tirelessly for a decade to champion for the ratification of the Maputo Protocol. It may have taken us 12 years but we are excited to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the Protocol with the rest of the continent. We are excited to be a part of history. Now you can remove our name from the list of Member States that are yet to ratify the Protocol,” she stated. The Minister was accompanied by H.E. Ambassador James Morgan, South Sudan’s Permanent Representative to the AU.

Ms. Lehau Victoria Maloka, Head of the Coordination and Outreach Division within the WGYD commended South Sudan on the ratification. She conveyed the congratulatory remarks of the women who have walked the journey of achieving GEWE on the continent. “On 11th July, we celebrate 20 years of the Maputo Protocol. Last year during the In-country Advocacy Mission you made a promise that you would celebrate as a Member State that has ratified the Protocol. I congratulate you for keeping that promise. This is a testament to the commitment of South Sudan to upholding women’s rights. The next trip we take to your country will be to support you in domesticating and implementing the Treaty, including building your capacity to develop your reports and submit it to the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights. You have our full support,” she said.

To date, 44 Member States have ratified the Protocol. 11 Member States are yet to ratify, namely Botswana, Burundi, Central African Republic, Chad, Egypt, Eritrea, Madagascar, Morocco, Niger, Somalia and Sudan. The AUC reiterates its encouragement to all Member States to sign and ratify the Maputo Protocol on Women’s Rights.

Relatedly, the African Union Commission adopted the African Union Strategy on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment (2018 – 2028) and the All for Maputo Protocol Programme, which identified ratification, domestication and implementation of the Maputo Protocol as a key priority to achieving gender equality on the continent. It aims for universal ratification, domestication and implementation of the Maputo Protocol by all AU Member States.

African Union Retreat on Institutional Reforms and the second decade of Agenda 2063 kicks off

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African Union Retreat on Institutional Reforms and the second decade of Agenda 2063 kicks off

The African Union Retreat on Institutional Reforms and the preparations of the second decade of Agenda 2063 is currently underway in Kigali, Rwanda. The four-day retreat facilitated by the African Union Commission, brings together members of the AU Permanent Representatives’ Committee (PRC); African Union Organs; and the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) to review the mandates of the AU organs, Permanent Representational Offices, Specialized Technical Agencies, and Liaison offices of the African Union; and strengthen the working methods of the African Union Peace and Security Council and its role in conflict prevention and crisis management.

The retreat will also consider the progress on the division of labour between the African Union, Regional Economic Communities, Regional Mechanisms and Member States. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government have since adopted a framework that guides the division of labour through the sharing of competencies. The framework is anchored on the principle of subsidiarity, complementary and competitive advantage. The division of labour is centred around six pillars namely; Policy planning and formulation; Policy adoption; Policy Implementation; Monitoring, evaluation & reporting; Resource mobilization; and Partnerships.

Further, the retreat will discuss the second ten-year plan of Agenda 2063 that spans from 2024 to 2033. The Agenda 2063, adopted in January 2015, embodies the aspirations of the African people and is operationalized through 5 ten-year implementation plans, with the first plan spanning from 2014 to 2023. The implementation of the second decade of Agenda 2063 will be focused on acceleration, building on the first decade that focused on convergence. Valuable lessons learned from the first decade of Agenda 2063 have been captured in the biennial progress reports and the evaluation of the First Ten-Year Implementation Plan, among other documents, which in turn informed the design of the successor ten-year plan. Key among the revelations was the perception widely held by African citizens that Agenda 2063 is as relevant to the Continent’s development discourses as it was in 2013.

Speaking at the opening session of the retreat, H.E. Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission lauded the progress of the reforms underscoring its relevance in repositioning the organization to deliver on the vision for an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in the global arena. He noted some of achievements of the reforms highlighting, among others, the departmental structure of the AU Commission; the transformation of the NEPAD into the African Union Development Agency (AUDA-NEPAD) with an expanded mandate; the autonomy of Africa CDC reinforced by a new statute; the operationalization of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) structure; the expanded mandate of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM); the implementation of the Decision on Financing the Union for self sufficient financing through domestic resources including the Peace Fund, as well as the enhanced budgeting process. “This institutional architecture has proven itself. Beyond some delays observed for various reasons, it is important to note that for the first time in the history of the African Union, a reform decided by the Heads of State and Government has produced concrete and convincing results. Indeed, a quick glance at the tangible results obtained at the course of the last five years is enough to illustrate my point.” Read the full statement here.

Financing the reforms and Agenda 2063 remains a top priority. Prof. Manasseh Nshuti, Rwanda’s Minister of State in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation in Charge of East African Community, underscored the urgency for the African Union to realize its vision for reliable and predictable financing mechanism stating, “the Union’s reliance on external partner funding demands sincere discussions to achieve operational autonomy progressively. Since the Kigali Summit of 2016, AU Member States fully fund the organization’s operating budget. However, the continued dependence on external partners for program budget and peacekeeping operations defeats the Johannesburg decision to achieve 75%, and 25% Member States funding. These shortcomings raise questions about our commitment to peacekeeping operations and conflict prevention.” Read the full statement here.

H.E Assoumani Youssouf Mondoha, Comoros Permanent Representative to the AU, and Chairperson of the Permanent Representatives Committee restated the importance of the retreat to deliberate on the key issues of reforms and Agenda 2063. He stated, “the two themes at the heart of our retreat today, namely the reform of the African Union and Agenda 2063, are important as they determine the future of our institution in an uncertain international context. The success of our work and the relevance of the recommendations that will result from it will determine the optimal, efficient and harmonious functioning of our organization for the decades to come.” Read the full statement here.

The report from the retreat will be considered in the processes of the AU Policy Organs before being presented for consideration by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government. 

AU-SAFGRAD Support to the African Group of Negotiators of UNCCD towards Establishment of Global Protocol on Drought

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AU-SAFGRAD in collaboration of the Government of the Kingdom of Morocco just concluded a three-day meeting in Rabat, kingdom of Morocco. The meeting, which was held 6-8 June 2023, gathered the African Members of the two Intergovernmental Working Group (IWG) on Drought and on Mid Term Evaluation of the UNCCD Strategic Framework 2018-2030. The Two IWGs were established as key decisions taken in UNCCD COP15 that took place in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire in 2022.

The main objective of the meeting was for the African Members of these 2 IWGs to discuss and deliberate on the mandates given to the groups and seek ways to strengthen Africa Position on the need to establish a Globally Binding Protocol on Drought.

At the opening speech, the coordinator of AU-SAFGRAD Dr. Ahmed Elmekass recalled the negative impacts of drought occurring at global level and more importantly its damages in most of African Countries. He also pledged for continent political backstopping to support the work done by experts. This will be particularly needed to strengthen our position for the next UNCCD COP in Saudi Arabia. In addition,

Mr. Khalid Cherki, the Chair of the African Group of Negotiators welcomed the support given by the African Union Commission through its specialized technical office AU-SAFGRAD and highlighted the need for the continent to push for the adoption of the Protocol.

The experts from the different groups went through agenda programme that include the progress on the work of the IWGs on drought and the Midterm Evaluation, presentation of proposed options for drought management, presentation on the submission on policy options by a consultant and the analysis made by other Regions.

The meeting concluded by a strong call for political backup to the negotiation process. At the end of the meeting the groups come up with clear negotiation strategy with the different policy options based on strong justification arguments. The next Committee on Reporting and Implementation of the Convention (CRIC) to be held in October in Uzbekistan will be a turning point and all focal points from Member States should keep open eyes to ensure drought agenda is well captured before heading to the COP16.

It is also expected the IWGs to harmonize their work for better synergy at continent level. A call for political backup from African Union Commission through the Specialized Technical Committee (STC) was recommended.

ECOSOCC Convenes Drafting Workshop to develop a Policy Paper on Unconstitutional Changes of Government

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Economic Cultural and Social Council (ECOSOCC) of the African Union (AU) convened a ‘Drafting Workshop to develop a CSO Policy Paper on Unconstitutional Changes` of Government (UCG) for Consideration by the African Union Peace and Security Council (PSC)’ on June 8 to June 10, 2023.

The workshop was held under the framework of the European Union African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) IV Programme, jointly implemented by the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), as part of ECOSOCC’s commitment to enhance the participation of African Civil Society in the APSA.

The convening of the drafting workshop was a direct and purposeful response to the recommendations derived from the 2022 Citizen’s Forum on ‘Democracy and Unconstitutional Changes of Government,’ orchestrated by ECOSOCC. The workshop was an invaluable platform that fostered meaningful citizen engagement within the broader continental dialogue on democracy and the persistent challenges posed by unconstitutional changes of government in Africa. With a keen focus on the recent surge of UCG incidents across the continent, the workshop amplified the crucial role that civil society plays in bolstering the endeavours of continental and regional institutions to effectively address and mitigate this pressing issue.

Speaking at the opening of the workshop, Mr. Kyeretwie Osei, Head of Programmes at ECOSOCC, underscored the urgency of addressing UCG in Africa. He acknowledged the escalating incidents of UCG in the Western African region in recent years and recognized the need to find comprehensive solutions.

Mr. Osei highlighted a number of initiatives that had already been undertaken by the AU including the Reflection Forum held in Accra in 2021, the Extraordinary Summit on UCG in Malabo in 2022, and the Citizens Forum on UCG in July 2022, which served as a complementary effort by ECOSOCC to combat the phenomenon from a civil society perspective. In spite of these ongoing actions and dialogues, the issue of UCG remains critical and demands heightened measures and concerted collaborative efforts.

The primary objective of the drafting workshop was to follow up on the outcomes of the Citizens Forum and generate a policy paper that would adopt a solution-oriented approach. Mr. Osei stressed the importance of understanding the root causes of UCG to develop effective solutions that would address the underlying problems. Furthermore, he highlighted the need to identify and rectify the inherent shortcomings within existing continental frameworks on UCG, thereby ensuring their genuine reflection of the issue and efficacy. In a similar vein, an additional point of contention raised revolved around the over reliance on punitive sanctions, which often resulted in hardship on citizens without effectively deterring future recurrences. Accordingly, the policy paper developed during the workshop sought to not only capture and tackle the issues that have contributed to the ineffectiveness of prevention endeavours but also functioned as a tool for informing decision-making, establishing policy priorities and guiding policy development for AU and its member states.

Considering the context surrounding the meeting, Mr Osei stressed the fundamental significance of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in providing advisory input to policy organs, leveraging their specialised knowledge and experience in the field.

In his opening remarks, Mr. Louis Sissoko, ECOSOCC’s Chair of the Political Affairs Cluster highlighted the profound and pervasive challenges posed by UCG in Africa. This troubling phenomenon has witnessed a surge in recent times, characterised by a series of military coups against democratically elected governments, interventions by mercenary forces seeking to supplant governments, the usurpation of power by armed dissident groups and rebel movements, and the refusal of incumbent governments to relinquish power following free, fair, and regular electoral processes.

These flagrant occurrences, as Mr Sissoko expounded, have had far-reaching consequences, adversely affecting citizens and impeding socio-economic development of the countries involved. Moreover, the implications for social cohesion, peace, and the security of citizens, as well as their individual and collective freedoms, cannot be underestimated.

“It is concerning that, despite the existence of numerous texts, treaties, conventions, protocols, and other instruments, regional and continental bodies have encountered formidable challenges in effectively combating unconstitutional changes of government and finding lasting, effective solutions. Therefore, it is imperative to uncover the underlying causes behind UCG and identify appropriate solutions,” he said.

Amb. Salah Hammad, Head of AGA-APSA Secretariat, stressed the need for a united and proactive approach to tackle UCG effectively.

“The convening of the Drafting Workshop marks a critical milestone in the ongoing efforts to address this pressing issue in Africa, and reaffirm ECOSOCC’s unwavering commitment to enhancing the participation of African Civil Society in the APSA,” he said.

Following an intensive three-day drafting session, the workshop concluded with the production of a Zero-Draft policy paper. The document encompasses impact-driven and solutions-oriented recommendations, as well as policy considerations, all of which reflect the diverse perspectives of civil society. It is poised to resonate with the Peace and Security Council of the AU, serving as a catalyst for decisive action.

The Zero-Draft policy paper provides invaluable insights into the essential tools and perspectives necessary to address the root causes of UCG. It highlights the pressing need to rectify deficiencies in current frameworks and calls for a transformative shift away from punitive sanctions. Instead, the emphasis is placed on cultivating sustainable solutions that effectively protect the fundamental rights, security, and freedoms of African citizens.

The successful conclusion of the workshop further exemplified the pivotal role played by ECOSOCC through collaborative efforts and engagement with partners and stakeholders.

ECOSOCC has demonstrated unwavering dedication to addressing the complex challenges of UCG and fostering a more democratic, stable, and prosperous Africa. Moreover, it has provided a platform for elevating the indispensable role of CSOs’ in advising policy organs and nurturing African solutions to African problems. By amplifying the voices of African civil society at decision-making levels, the workshop epitomised the potential for lasting change through collective action and collaborative endeavours.

The Third Meeting of the Expanded Mechanism for the Resolution of the Sudan Conflict

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Third Meeting of the Expanded Mechanism

The Expanded Mechanism for the Resolution of the Conflict in Sudan convened its third meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The meeting was chaired by Professor Mohamed El-Hacen Lebatt, Spokesperson for the AU Process for Sudan. The meeting presented to the members of the Expanded Mechanism the outcomes of the 1156th Meeting of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) at the level of Heads of State and Government held on 27 May 2023, the AU Roadmap for the Resolution of the Conflict in Sudan, as well as the next steps towards an inclusive, Sudanese owned process, that would end the fighting and put Sudan on the path to a democratic, civilian-led government.

The United Nations (UN) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) delivered statements as members of the Trilateral Mechanism. The UN provided an update on the status of the humanitarian assistance to the displaced population in Sudan. The IGAD expressed its commitment to fostering peace in Sudan and stressed the need for a single, inclusive, consolidated political process. The IGAD and UN commended the AU for its leadership role and reaffirmed their support for the AU Roadmap.

The Expanded Mechanism welcomed the outcome of the PSC Summit, including the endorsement of the AU Roadmap for the Resolution of the Conflict in Sudan, as well as the upcoming regional consultations of H.E. Moussa Faki Mahamat, the Chairperson of the AU Commission and his emissaries to neighbouring countries.

The Expanded Mechanism expressed concern at the continued fighting and stressed that there is no military solution to the conflict. The importance of a coordinated approach to resolving the crisis and the need for an African-led Sudanese-owned process was underlined. The participants cautioned against the proliferation of uncoordinated initiatives that would undermine the collective effort and the sovereignty of Sudan.

The Expanded Mechanism welcomed the Jeddah Process facilitated by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United States of America, which resulted in the Declaration of Commitments and the Short-term Ceasefire and Humanitarian Arrangement and welcomed the five-day extension of the ceasefire announced on 29 May 2023. The Mechanism expressed concern at the lack of full implementation of the humanitarian ceasefire and the deteriorating humanitarian situation. In this regard, the Expanded Mechanism urged the parties to fully commit to undertaking their obligations to protect civilians and civil infrastructure and ensure the delivery of unhindered humanitarian assistance.

The role of the neighbouring countries was stressed, not only with regard to receiving large numbers of refugees, but also with respect to the potential spill-over effect of the conflict on the broader region.

The Expanded Mechanism welcomed the announcement by the AU that the inaugural meeting of the Core Group of the Expanded Mechanism will be convened in the coming days.African Union

Africa moves to protect its interests in the global tax rules to increase revenues and stem illicit financial flows

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Africa moves to protect its interests in the global tax rules

The African Union has concluded a three-day meeting of the Specialized Technical Committee on Finance, Monetary Affairs, Economic Planning and Integration- Sub-Committee on Tax and Illicit Financial Flows under the theme “Tax in Africa: contemporary issues affecting the continent” and adopted recommendations that ensure African interests are protected in the design and implementation of the global tax rules, and ways to improve domestic resource mobilization for Africa’s development.

The meeting convened by the African Union Commission department of Economic Development, Tourism, Trade, Industry, Mining (ETTIM); and supported by the African Tax Administration Forum (ATAF), was attended by Experts and Senior Officials from the Ministries of Finance, Tax Administrations, Government Specialised Agencies, Central Banks of the AU Member States, representatives from the Regional Economic Communities (RECs), African Tax Experts, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), Investigative Journalists, and Academia interrogated key issues on the tax regimes in Africa and made recommendations to guide possible reviews and reforms of national tax policies to protect Member States’ tax bases.

The meeting discussed parameters of the African position on the Promotion of inclusive and effective tax cooperation at the United Nations and on the consideration of the enactment of a Domestic Minimum Top-up tax for tax base protection ahead of the incoming global tax rules; adopted recommendations to use the VAT toolkit by ATAF for improved revenue collection on cross-border supplies; and identified areas where future legislative action or coordination would benefit Member States, the African Union and relevant partners, in regard to addressing the issue of wasteful tax incentives, stemming of Illicit Financial Flows respectively, and improving continental domestic resource mobilization necessary for the development of the continent.

The digital economy has experienced unprecedented growth over the past few decades, transforming the global economic landscape and reshaping the way businesses and individuals interact. This phenomenon has been driven by rapid advancements in technology, widespread internet access, and the increasing penetration of smartphones and other digital devices. However, this increased consumption of digital goods and services, delivered across borders and intangible in nature, has brought with it challenges on the difficulty in establishing the appropriate jurisdiction for tax collection, as well as determining the value for taxation purposes.

These developments have had a negative impact on Africa’s ability to mobilize revenues. Africa is therefore looking to actively engage in the global tax debate at the United Nations on International tax cooperation, and the opportunities it presents for increased domestic resource mobilization. Further, the new global tax rules will have an impact on existing national tax incentive policies and present an opportunity for African countries to protect themselves from ceding their taxing rights to countries where multinationals are resident on existing tax incentives lower than the 15% global minimum tax, according to the new rules. This requires African countries to enact domestic minimum top-up tax legislation to tap into this revenue. Similarly, revenue collection from e-commerce goods and services requires the implementation of simplified VAT regimes.

Amb. Albert Muchanga, African Union Commissioner for Economic development, Trade, Tourism, Industry and Minerals, noted that to effectively operationalize the UN Convention on International Tax Cooperation, the process must be inclusive in incorporating the views of existing African structures and leverage the work of the UN Committee of Experts on International Tax Cooperation. Further, the Member State-led intergovernmental body ought to have a well-resourced technical structure to focus on specific pain points in developing countries not addressed by previous initiatives to address gaps in tax cooperation. “At the continent level, the core issue is how Africa can develop tax administrations to increase investments from the current level of 20% of GDP to 40%. By incorporating the views of existing African structures, the operationalization process of the Convention will ensure accountability and full ownership by the Member States.”

Raymond Nazar, Head of Policy Unit at the Ministry of Finance of the Republic of Ghana and the Chair of Experts of Sub-Committee on Tax and Illicit Financial Flows called for improved tax collection systems supported by trade and investment to shield the continent from the vulnerabilities to external shocks and dependency. “Estimates show that enacting legislation to protect tax bases from losses due to tax incentives could result in an additional revenue of around $220 billion while cross-border transactions and e-commerce have the potential to generate approximately $40 billion in revenue for the African industry by 2023”. The domestic resource mobilization, he noted, is critical as the continent builds back economies from the Impact of; the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russia- Ukraine crisis, climate change, drought and food insecurity.

With multilateral financing becomes increasingly inadequate, and while international private financing has become costly owing to poor credit ratings stemming from structural issues and systematic bias, and an international tax system skewed unfavourably toward developing countries, Antonio Pedro, Acting Executive Secretary, United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) underscored the need for a complete overhaul of the global financial system, the creation of an operational debt relief and restructuring framework, strengthened domestic resource mobilization as well as an inclusive international tax system. “Global financial architecture reforms need to be coupled with an international tax framework that can ensure the taxing rights of African countries in an inclusive and equitable manner. As such, it is critical to formulate an African Position on the UN Tax Convention.”

For Africa to realize the aspirations of Agenda 2063, Logan Wort, ATAF Executive Secretary emphasized the urgency in addressing the tax regime gaps to boost domestic resources mobilization noting the importance of domestic taxes such as VAT to African economies. “As directed by the Ministers in the 5th Ordinary Session of the Specialized Technical Committee on Finance, Monetary Affairs, Economic Planning and Integration, together with the African Union Commission, we have developed the Suggested approach to Domestic Minimum Top-up Tax. This is a design feature to offer protection to Member States who may be exposed to the effects of the Global Minimum Tax as agreed under Pillar Two of the Inclusive Framework”. Further, ATAF has published a VAT Digital Toolkit for Africa to help African jurisdictions secure VAT in the digital economy by providing support for the effective collection of VAT on e-commerce transactions.

To improve domestic resource mobilization, Africa is also keen on stemming Illicit Financial Flows to ensure sustainable development financing, critical for the realization of the goals of the AU Agenda 2063. GIZ Programme Manager, Gerhard Mai, restated the committed of GIZ in the fight against Illicit Financial Flows through the Good Financial Governance (GFG) Programme in Africa, and the Global Programme on IFFs by strengthening governance systems, tax administration and addressing IFF. “Your conference is of very high relevance since many countries – not only in Africa – are facing serious socio-economic challenges because of the impacts of the COVID 19 Pandemic as well as the Russia- Ukraine crisis. This leads to high inflation, reduced tax incomes and increased debts.”

The outcomes of the Sub-Committee meeting will be considered at the 6th Ordinary Session of the Specialized Technical Committee on Finance, Monetary Affairs, Economic Planning and Integration, scheduled from 17 to 21 July 2023 in Nairobi, Kenya to influence Africa’s policies and consensus on improved tax regimes, and stemming illicit financial flows towards increased domestic resource mobilization.

Separately, and in recognition of tax as a critical enabler for Africa’s development, the AUC and ATAF signed a memorandum of understanding for the latter to provide tax technical support to the Commission in implementing its tax strategy, addressing illicit financial flows (IFFs), and addressing emerging tax issues.African Union

Africa CDC Launches Groundbreaking Initiative to Tackle AMR Crisis: Strengthening Workforce and Implementing Homegrown Solutions for Enhanced Surveillance

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African Union

Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) poses a growing and urgent threat in Africa. With nearly 1.3 million deaths attributed to AMR in 2019, Inadequate monitoring and control measures by governments have worsened the situation, hindering the prevention of resistant micro-organisms. If immediate action is not taken, millions of Africans are estimated to lose their lives to antimicrobial resistance by 2050.

AMR stands as one of the leading public health challenges of the 21st century, with Africa having the world’s highest mortality rate from AMR infections, resulting in 27.3 deaths per 100,000 attributable to AMR.

The Africa Union Framework for Antimicrobial Resistance Control, 2020-2025 describes strategies for Africa CDC to improve surveillance, delay emergence, limit transmission, and mitigate harm from AMR pathogens.

Recent findings, paints the dire reality of the AMR surveillance situation across the continent and the urgent need for improved AMR surveillance in AU member states. The findings of the multi-country study are particularly concerning as most laboratories across Africa do not have the resources for AMR testing and surveillance. The continuous lack of surveillance data has hindered our understanding of Antimicrobial Resistance, antimicrobial use (AMU) and drivers of resistance on the continent. In response to this growing public health threat, Africa CDC has launched an international exchange study visits between Africa Union Member States for sharing knowledge and best practices on Antimicrobial Resistance surveillance system implementation and AMR control.

This initiative kicked-off with an exchange visit between Ethiopia and South Africa, convening public health experts from the Ethiopian Public Health Institute (EPHI) and South Africa National Institute of Communicable Diseases (NICD), Centre for Health-Associated Infections, Antimicrobial Resistance and Mycoses (CHARM) for a collaborative learning experience on AMR surveillance implementation.

Participants shared their best practices for establishing and operationalising functional laboratory-based Antimicrobial Resistance Surveillance systems particularly in resource-limited settings. This meeting took place in Johannesburg, South Africa from 22 – 26 May 2023.

“The Africa CDC is pleased to launch this initiative to strengthen workforce for improved AMR surveillance with homegrown solutions to implement AMR control”, said Yewande Alimi, Africa CDC’s Antimicrobial Resistance & One Health Program Coordinator.

Both countries have documented remarkable progress in AMR Surveillance, the Ethiopian National Public Health Institute begun its laboratory-based AMR surveillance system 2017 and has expanded the participating sentinel sites through strengthening detection and response capacity of priority pathogens guided by WHO/GLASS AMR data reporting, national AMR prevention and containment strategy, EPHI laboratory-based AMR surveillance system guide.

Speaking at meeting, Deputy Director General of the Ethiopian Public Health Institute (EPHI), Dr. Getachew Tollera highlighted the criticality and timeliness of the exercise, stating, “We need standardized approaches to address regional and global shared threats such as Antimicrobial Resistance. Collaboration, partnerships, and networking with institutions like NICD are crucial for EPHI to be prepared and respond effectively to emerging threats.”

South Africa's leadership in AMR surveillanceSouth Africa’s leadership in AMR surveillance across the continent is commendable. the countries participation in key initiatives led by Africa CDC holds great promise. Initiatives such as continental genomic sequencing through the Pathogen Genomics Institute (PGI) and the EQAFRICA regional project, funded by the Fleming Fund, have already made significant contributions to AMR surveillance in 14 African Union countries, with the NICD leading regional EQA reference capacity to enhance laboratory capabilities in detecting and monitoring AMR. In collaboration with Africa CDC, NICD aims to support AMR surveillance capacity-building efforts across the continent. Collaborative efforts such as this, have great potential for advancing AMR surveillance and laboratory improvement in the continent.

“It is a great opportunity for any country on the African continent to get an understanding of how surveillance of AMR surveillance is performed and how we can learn from each other in different settings on implementation of surveillance as the global AMR surveillance system is changing”, says Professor Olga Perovic,, Principal Pathologist, Antimicrobial Resistance Laboratory and Culture Collection Centre for Healthcare-Associated Infections, Antimicrobial Resistance and Mycoses (CHARM) during the international exchange visit.

Africa CDC will continue to engage Member States on AMR surveillance and support similar learning opportunities for other countries with the aim of promoting and advocating for excellence in AMR prevention and containment intervention strategies in Africa.

The international exchange visits are part of Africa CDC’s effort to strengthen AMR surveillance in Africa by building capacity and providing technical assistance to support the development and implementation of surveillance systems while leveraging existing resources in AU Member States.African Union